jeudi 22 novembre 2007

nuclear related 221107

Walker's World: A Mideast nuclear war?

Published: Nov. 21, 2007 at 11:00 AM

WASHINGTON, Nov. 21 (UPI) -- Anthony Cordesman may be the most influential man in Washington that most people have never heard of. A former director of intelligence assessment for the secretary of defense and director of policy and planning in the Department of Energy, he is now the top strategic guru at the Center for Strategic & International Studies.

Most serious politicians and journalists have for some years based their analyses of the Iraq war and its aftermath on his universally respected research. Cordesman is a facts man who likes and reveres good data and cool, clinical analysis as the keystones of policymaking.

He has now turned his laser-like research and forensic intelligence skills to studying the real implication of the endless diplomatic minuet at the United Nations over Iran's nuclear ambitions. In the real world, this matters mainly because an Iranian nuclear capability would transform the power balance in the wider Middle East, and leave the region and the rest of us living under the constant prospect of a nuclear exchange between Iran and Israel.

This would mean, Cordesman suggests, some 16 million to 28 million Iranians dead within 21 days, and between 200,000 and 800,000 Israelis dead within the same time frame. The total of deaths beyond 21 days could rise very much higher, depending on civil defense and public health facilities, where Israel has a major advantage.

It is theoretically possible that the Israeli state, economy and organized society might just survive such an almost-mortal blow. Iran would not survive as an organized society. "Iranian recovery is not possible in the normal sense of the term," Cordesman notes.

The difference in the death tolls is largely because Israel is believed to have more nuclear weapons of very much higher yield (some of 1 megaton), and Israel is deploying the Arrow advanced anti-missile system in addition to its Patriot batteries. Fewer Iranian weapons would get through.

The difference in yield matters. The biggest bomb that Iran is expected to have is 100 kilotons, which can inflict third-degree burns on exposed flesh at 8 miles; Israel's 1-megaton bombs can inflict third-degree burns at 24 miles. Moreover, the radiation fallout from an airburst of such a 1-megaton bomb can kill unsheltered people at up to 80 miles within 18 hours as the radiation plume drifts. (Jordan, by the way, would suffer severe radiation damage from an Iranian strike on Tel Aviv.)

Cordesman assumes that Iran, with less than 30 nuclear warheads in the period after 2010, would aim for the main population centers of Tel Aviv and Haifa, while Israel would have more than 200 warheads and far better delivery systems, including cruise missiles launched from its 3 Dolphin-class submarines.

The assumption is that Israel would be going for Iran's nuclear development centers in Tehran, Natanz, Ardekan, Saghand, Gashin, Bushehr, Aral, Isfahan and Lashkar A'bad. Israel would also likely target the main population centers of Tehran, Tabriz, Qazvin, Isfahan, Shiraz, Yazd, Kerman, Qom, Ahwaz and Kermanshah. Cordesman points out that the city of Tehran, with a population of 15 million in its metropolitan area, is "a topographic basin with mountain reflector. Nearly ideal nuclear killing ground."

But it does not end there. Cordesman points out that Israel would need to keep a "reserve strike capability to ensure no other power can capitalize on Iranian strike." This means Israel would have to target "key Arab neighbors" -- in particular Syria and Egypt.

Cordesman notes that Israel would have various options, including a limited nuclear strike on the region mainly inhabited by the Alawite minority from which come the ruling Assad dynasty. A full-scale Israeli attack on Syria would kill up to 18 million people within 21 days; Syrian recovery would not be possible. A Syrian attack with all its reputed chemical and biological warfare assets could kill up to 800,000 Israelis, but Israeli society would recover.

An Israeli attack on Egypt would likely strike at the main population centers of Cairo, Alexandria, Damietta, Port Said, Suez, Luxor and Aswan. Cordesman does not give a death toll here, but it would certainly be in the tens of millions. It would also destroy the Suez Canal and almost certainly destroy the Aswan dam, sending monstrous floods down the Nile to sweep away the glowing rubble. It would mean the end of Egypt as a functioning society.

Cordesman also lists the oil wells, refineries and ports along the Gulf that could also be targets in the event of a mass nuclear response by an Israel convinced that it was being dealt a potentially mortal blow. Being contained within the region, such a nuclear exchange might not be Armageddon for the human race; it would certainly be Armageddon for the global economy.

So in clear, concise and chillingly forensic style, Cordesman spells out that the real stakes in the crisis that is building over Iran's nuclear ambitions would certainly include the end of Persian civilization, quite probably the end of Egyptian civilization, and the end of the Oil Age. This would also mean the end of globalization and the extraordinary accretions in world trade and growth and prosperity that are hauling hundreds of millions of Chinese and Indians and others out of poverty.

Cordesman concludes his chilling but dismayingly logical survey with the warning: "The only way to win is not to play."

Source: UPI

GCC embarks on joint study with IAEA for nuclear facility by 2025

22 November 2007

INTERNATIONAL. The first stage of a feasibility study into plans for a nuclear power plant in the Gulf has been completed, it was revealed on Monday.

''The study was being carried out jointly by the GCC and International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA), said Ali bin Abdullah Al Owais, Under Secretary at the UAE's Ministry of Energy.

''Nuclear power was the ultimate solution to meet future energy demands and challenges, he told the 13th Annual Energy Conference of the Emirates Centre for Strategic Studies and Research in Abu Dhabi.

The country - with its rapid growth in all sectors - could not always depend on hydrocarbon energy, he said. Nor could it fully rely on renewable energy sources such as solar power.

Al Owais added: "Once the final feasibility study is ready in four or five years' time it will be submitted to the Supreme Council of the GCC for approval. Following that the project will be executed." He said the scheme will be completed under the supervision of the IAEA, which had already given the green light to the plans.

In his keynote address Al Owais said: "The demand for energy is growing fast, last year it rose by 15% and it is growing further. There are many questions that need to be answered. For example, how long will our natural resources last? The consensus for going nuclear has been growing in the GCC countries and finally it has been decided that the region will have a joint atomic power plant."

The GCC Supreme Council launched its joint nuclear power project last year and asked the IAEA for help to build the plant.

"The GCC nuclear power project is in progress and is expected to take at least 15 years to complete," added Al Owais. "The plant is expected to be operational in 2025. It will be constructed in a safe area."

All other energy sources - such as solar and other renewable forms - would be supporting elements. But the ultimate solution was atomic power, he said. Nuclear energy is considered the optimal means of generating electricity in the world today. In 2006 there were 442 nuclear plants in 44 countries.

He said: "The demand for power in the region is the highest in the world.We need a huge supply of energy as our growth continues."

Source: Business Intelligence

Arabic Press - nuclear related 221107

Russia confirmed its will to provide nuclear know-how and their expertise to Egypt. The Deputy Foreign Minister of Russia, during his meeting yesterday with Ahmed Aboul Gheit, Minister of Foreign Affairs, declared that Russia was willing to help Egypt resuming its nuclear program.

Source: Al Gomhuria

mardi 20 novembre 2007

sunni shia relations 201107

Following recent threats against the Gulf countries by leading Iranian officials, several Saudi columnists have criticized the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) member countries' passivity in the face of the danger posed by Iran.

The columnists also called for a joint GCC front against Iran, under which a joint defense plan would be drawn up, a Gulf military industry developed, and a joint military force established. They added that the Gulf countries must close ranks before it is too late.

We Must Not Remain Silent in the Face of Iran's Threats to Our Sovereignty

In the Kuwaiti daily Al-Siyassa, Saudi columnist Abdallah Al-Mutairi wrote that the Gulf countries must not remain silent in the face of Iran's threats, but must instead formulate a joint defense plan:

"Since the beginning of the Iranian nuclear crisis between Iran and the international community as represented by the International Atomic Energy Agency, the U.N. Security Council, the E.U., and the U.S., Iran has been making efforts to respond by means of direct and indirect threats to the GCC countries.

"The most recent threat came from Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, who declared his country's intent to 'fill the security vacuum that will be created in Iraq when the U.S. forces withdraw.'

"[We also learned] about the escalation [in Iran's position] from statements by IRGC naval commander Ali Razmjou to the Fars news agency, to wit: 'If the enemies want to launch a military attack, the IRGC has a force that can turn the Gulf into a hell for them.'

"Likewise, we all remember the editorial by Hossein Shari'atmadari, advisor to Iran's Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei and editor of the Kayhan newspaper, in which he stressed that Bahrain was a region belonging to Iran and that there are documents proving full Iranian sovereignty over the three islands (Greater Tunb, Lesser Tunb, and Abu Moussa). We also cannot forget [Shari'atmadari's] comment that among the Gulf states there are illegitimate regimes that are the product of imperialism.

"Further, we cannot forget the statements by Ali Shamkhani, top military advisor to the leader of the Iranian revolution [i.e. Khamenei] and former defense minister, who threatened to wage all-out war against the countries of the region if the U.S. attacked Iranian nuclear facilities.

"We cannot be silent in the face of all these threats and warnings, and in the face of the Iranian threats to the Gulf states' sovereignty and security and of [Iran's] interference in their affairs. We must hasten to come up with serious and unified security measures that the Gulf states can take, and must start preparing a joint defense plan, in order to confront Iran's aspirations in the region, and in order to create a minimal balance of power in the Gulf. Such efforts must be emphasized by conducting large-scale joint [military] maneuvers, with participation limited to the GCC countries.

"It would be unwise to remain silent in light of Iran's irregular behavior, and to try to make excuses for [Iran's statements] by saying it was just a slip, or that these statements were aimed at the U.S. as part of the verbal war between Iran and the U.S.… In the face of the Iranian cudgel that is constantly being brandished at us, we must direct all of the Gulf's cudgels at it, and must not respond [only] via diplomatic means..."

Let Us Act Before the Day Darkens Upon Us

Saudi columnist Yousef Al-Kwaylit wrote in the Saudi daily Al-Riyadh that in the face of Iran's threats to the Gulf countries, the GCC must prepare a strategic plan to include joint military industrial projects and the establishment of a joint military force:

"The GCC countries are taking one step forward and several steps backward on matters connected to security coordination… The circumstances require that we understand, in all seriousness, whether we are in one boat about to sink, or whether we are about to be rescued from what is going to happen on our borders.

"We must be bold in making fateful decisions, taking into account that we are not on the same military level as our neighbor [Iran]. We must reexamine the history of the Iraq-Iran wars, and the deterioration in security taking place today that heralds a dangerous war between the U.S. and Israel vs. Iran, whose ramifications will be destructive for all.

"The meetings of the GCC heads have become a routine occurrence, but the results of these meetings are unconvincing, since their strategic plans give no precedence to launching a military industrial project. Nor are there any attempts to become self-sufficient in supplying ourselves with the spare parts, ammunition, and light and medium weaponry that we need [in order to] form a basis for advanced industry. [We must act in this direction] as long as we have abundant funds, as long as we have minds and manpower, and as long as we have the capability to import experts and technology without restriction.

"The Gulf's location, geography, and strategic importance to the entire world have made it a bargaining chip for countries in the region and outside it. The Gulf's oil resources, revenues, and vital position as a passage between land masses have made it a fragile and dangerous region. The British, who were present in the region in the past, the Americans, who are present there now, and the Soviets, who wish [to gain a foothold there] have all set their own interests [above those of the Gulf states].

"That is why today we are standing on unstable ground, even though we ourselves have no interest in the power struggles that threaten our security. The GCC member countries must talk among themselves, as openly as possible, about the future of their military and political security, and must stand fast in the face of the regional and international forces that are holding them hostage.

"The worrying question is: Why aren't [the Gulf countries] taking any interest in establishing their own joint [military] force, despite the many options for establishing such a force? Have we forgotten how Saddam Hussein invaded Kuwait? Have we forgotten the Persian shah's threats to invade Bahrain, and the reiteration of those same threats by a senior Iranian official just a few weeks ago? Have we forgotten the dispute between Iran and the UAE over the [three] islands?

"The matter has still not reached frightening proportions, but we must be cautious… and in light of the warnings, we must understand where our responsibility lies - before the day darkens upon us."

Source : MEMRI

GCC needs a defence shield

By Walid Al Saqaf, Special to Gulf News

Published: November 20, 2007, 00:28

Imagine this: oil tankers being destroyed, naval mines being planted across the Arab Gulf and rockets striking US bases in the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states. It is one of the possible scenarios for the Armageddon battle.

That was just a play of fiction.

Seriously, the increasing tensions between the US and Iran are reaching alarming levels despite a bit of good news popping up once in a while about possible re-launch of talks with Iran on its nuclear ambitions.

Phyllis Bennis of the reputable Institute for Policy Studies acknowledged the danger when he once said in 2006 that such a war "a frighteningly real possibility".

It is hence a good time to note the very important question that GCC countries need to be asking themselves: Are we getting prepared?

Although Iran does not have nuclear weapons today, and although it never suggested it would build any for non-peaceful purposes, the US and particularly Israel are not at ease with the country's insistence to go on with its plans.

The stubborn positions of the Iranian and American sides leave little justification for optimism and hope. On the contrary, they hint to the need to act quickly and do something before it is too late.

Although the GCC may not be directly involved in the conflict, it is naïve to overlook the disastrous consequences such a war will have on the region and in fact, on the whole world.

The upcoming GCC summit to be held in December will be an opportunity for the region's leaders to discuss their options and what plans they have to prevent a war, and in case they couldn't, what plans do they have to minimise its damage.

I expect -and certainly hope - that the leaders would unilaterally agree on a common economic and defence policy to confront such a danger. But there will still be need to have a careful assessment of what the GCC can do with so little military power and experience.

Unlike Iran and other countries in the region such as Turkey and even Syria, Gulf countries lag behind in military might and are hence vulnerable to any outside retaliation and could hence not risk being involved in a confrontation with Iran or anyone else.

The 1990 Gulf War should have been a serious signal that having a common and strong army for the region is a necessity particularly after they discovered they had to ask for help from external forces - allies - to liberate Kuwait from Iraqi invasion.

Since then, little progress has been made to have a unified army or a common defence policy to avoid a repetition of the past. As if 17 years have not passed, the GCC states seem vulnerable today as much as they were vulnerable in 1990.

Although several GCC countries have achieved impressive levels of GDP growth due mainly due to increase in oil prices, they seemed to overlook the risks of something going wrong and an attack that could have them as a target.

This risk is today very evident in that Iran would strike at any country that has US bases or troops. This applies to many GCC states.

In times like this, when regional instability is under threat, regional alliances should be set up to have joint objectives to protect the region.

Mutual interests

As globalisation had demonstrated, not having alliances to protect mutual interests is a recipe for disaster and a risky strategy that has many negative consequences.

Although wars should always be avoided, there are times when there are no choices, the 1990 war being a clear example. It is thus important to rethink the defence policies in the region and study the options available.

In my view, this is the best time for the GCC to initiate, with other countries in the region and the world, a defence alliance. A project similar to Nato would be an investment for the future in terms of confidence and protection.

What I mean with having such an alliance is more into having defence mechanisms, underground shelters and other protective measures other than building weaponry arsenal.

Staying without a shield for so long has been a mistake. But a bigger mistake is to continue ignoring this issue.

I know that this is easier said than done, but at least it could be food for thought and a reminder that with much economic activity in the region, there needs to be some guarantees for the protection of the people.

However, one should never forget that the most important efforts that need to be made now is to prevent such a crisis from happening. That's the first and foremost priority. Everything else is just damage control and minimisation.

Source: Gulf News

nuclear related 201107

GCC go-ahead for 'transparent' nuclear energy plants

MANAMA

THE establishment and operation of a nuclear energy plant in the GCC will be carried out in a transparent manner and in line with international regulations, it was pledged yesterday.

GCC secretary-general Abdulrahman bin Hamad Al Attiyah said that it was every country's right to harness nuclear energy.

He was speaking at the opening of the forum.

"This follows international regulations of nuclear energy that it has to be available to all and used peacefully," said Mr Al Attiyah.

"GCC leaders gave the go-ahead for countries to own a nuclear plant on the basis that they operate it in a transparent manner and follow international regulations."

Mr Al Attiyah said that nuclear energy would help the region achieve more progress towards technology.

"Achieving a comprehensive justice and global peace requires counting all countries in the Non-Proliferation Treaty," he said.

"This requires the international community to pressure Israel to join the treaty and allow the international inspection of its nuclear plants."

Mr Al Attiyah stressed that ridding the Gulf and the Middle East from weapons of mass destruction was necessary.

"The racial segregation and coercive displacement of Israelis in Palestine has reached to a depressing and tense situation, which has weakened security in the region," he said.

Source: Gulf Daily News

lundi 19 novembre 2007

oil related 191107

Can Saudi square the oil circle?

November 18 2007

The dusty sign next to the landing strip reads 'Welcome to the City of Golden Sand'. This 'city' of 700 oil workers and their families is one of the most remote outposts on earth. Shaybah is on the edge of the aptly named Rub' al-Khali ('empty quarter') desert region in southern Saudi Arabia, hundreds of miles from the nearest town. Underneath the rolling red sand dunes lies one of Saudi Arabia's largest oilfields. It pumps 500,000 barrels of oil per day (bpd)- about 5 per cent of Saudi Arabia's total. Production will rise to 750,000bpd by late 2008, and according to its state owned-operator, Saudi Aramco, the field has 19bn barrels of proven reserves.

An Opec summit - only the third in the cartel's history - concludes in the kingdom today, and the Saudi government is keen to show off the flagship project to the world. Last week, it flew in more than 100 foreign journalists.

Yet in the heart of the empty quarter to the south, Shell and other oil majors are searching in vain for new deposits. The Saudis opened up the region to overseas exploration in the 1990s when oil prices were barely in double figures. The empty quarter was hailed as one of the few big opportunities for the majors to get a foothold on the world's largest oil producer. Yet so far the appraisal wells have come up dry. No journalists were flown out to visit this particular area last week. 'Whether that's a sign the Saudis don't have as much oil as they say they do, we just don't know,' says Samuel Ciszuk of analyst Global Insight.

The trip to Shaybah is part of a carefully choreographed public relations offensive to convince the world the Saudis can keep it supplied. 'Saudi Arabia is desperate to say they have things under control,' says Ciszuk.

A lot is resting on their shoulders. Saudi Arabia is responsible for about a third of Opec's output. It also is the only significant 'swing producer', having about 2mbpd of spare capacity. The Saudis also claim to have 260bn barrels of reserves, a quarter of the world's total.

This month, the normally conservative International Energy Agency warned that the world faces an oil supply crunch over the next decade. It said that Opec, which currently produces about 40 per cent of the world's oil, will have to provide all of the one-third increase in global demand forecast by 2030 because production in non-Opec countries has peaked. Much of this burden will fall on Saudi Arabia.

For the US in particular, the prospect of becoming even more reliant on Opec members like Saudi Arabia - with which relations are cooling - and Iran and Venezuela is unattractive. With developing nations' thirst for the black stuff showing no signs of abating, it's no wonder prices are poised to break the $100 mark.

As well as doubts over Opec's reliability and rocketing prices, growing concern over climate change is spurring the development of alternatives like biofuels and renewables. The Saudis, who talk about being the world's biggest oil producer for the next 100 years, have the most to lose if the world turns its back. Julian Lee from the Centre for Global Energy Studies (CGES) says: 'There is a genuine degree of concern within Opec about the future market for oil. Saudi Arabia, as a long-term producer of oil, ought to be worried.'

One of the big concerns is whether Opec, and in particular Saudi Arabia, can - or will - increase production by the level needed.

Ciszuk says: 'How much they have is kept very tightly under wraps.' Opec countries have traditionally been extremely secretive. In Iraq, for example, it used to be a hanging offence to reveal information about the country's reserves before the cartel introduced a production quota system in the early 1980s. Oil wealth is a matter of national security as it determines countries' economic and military power.

It is also in members' interests to overstate their reserves. Opec introduced mandatory quotas to limit supply and prop up prices. These quotas were based on the size of reserves, so that gave an incentive to exaggerate them. Advocates of peak oil - who say that production is in terminal decline - severely dispute these reserve figures. The trouble is, no one knows for sure.

The media trip to Shaybah was in some ways an admirable attempt by the Saudis to be more transparent. Less admirable - or convincing - was the attempt by Opec to embrace the green agenda last week. The slogan for the summit is 'Providing petroleum, promoting prosperity and protecting the environment'. Cynics may argue that the last of the objectives is clearly in conflict with the others. Yvo de Boer, executive secretary of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change, gave a speech saying: 'The fight against climate change is not a fight against oil. It's a fight against emissions.' Opec leaders concurred.

De Boer said more investment should go into developing carbon capture and storage (CCS). Adnan Shihab-Eldin, a former secretary-general of Opec, also floated the idea of the cartel putting $1bn into a fund to research CCS, but provided few details.

Holding up CCS as a solution to global warming is disingenuous. About 70 per cent of oil production is used to fuel vehicles and aircraft. There are as yet no feasible proposals to use CCS technology to store their emissions.

There is still a tendency within Opec to be sceptical about climate change. In his speech, Shihab-Eldin outlined two scenarios. The first was that fossil fuels would continue to contribute to global warming. The other, he said somewhat optimistically, was an unspecified 'reverse loop phenomenon' in which 'nature will save the day!' If this is what Opec leaders say in public, who knows what they think privately.

Off-the-cuff comments from the then Opec secretary-general Mohammed Barkindo last October are probably a more accurate reflection. Asked about the recent Stern report on the economics of climate change, he said it had no 'foundations in science or economics'.

This week's Saudi-led charm offensive is unlikely to work. As Ciszuk says: 'Opec is still not seen as a friend in the US and Europe. They are probably seen as what they are - a cartel with interests that are against those of the consumer.'

Of this attitude, Roger Higman of Friends of the Earth, said: 'Saudi Arabia is a running sore in climate negotiations.'

In the short term, consumers in both the developed and developing world have little choice but to rely on Opec for oil. It will be a decade or longer before alternative fuels make significant inroads. Yet if Opec is not convinced about the world's commitment to oil in the long term, it may choose not to invest the $500bn it says is earmarked to increase production. If not, oil prices could go even higher over the next decade.

Hey big spender

Uncertainties over oil have not put off the party-loving Saudi Prince Alwaleed bin Talal, pictured, from becoming the first private customer for the $319m A380 superjumbo aircraft.

But then what Forbes thinks is the world's 13th richest man, with an estimated fortune of $20bn, could outspend most airlines. Even the small matter of seeing $2.5bn wiped off his fortune because of the slide of shares in Citigroup, in which he has a 3.6 per cent stake, did not inhibit his spending. His investment company, Saudi Arabia Kingdom Hotels, has stakes in businesses ranging from News Corporation and Canary Wharf to AOL Time Warner.

This year he floated the business on the Saudi stock exchange, valuing his majority holding at just over $16bn. The 52-year-old started out with $330,000 of loans from his father and raised against his house, brokering deals with Western companies coming to the kingdom in the 70s, later investing in property and the Saudi banking sector. But he famously made his real fortune when he paid just under $600m for his stake in Citigroup in the 1990s, when the Latin American financial crisis and bad loans from US home owners almost brought the US bank to its knees, driving down its share price. None of his fortune comes directly from oil.

The prince says he does not get involved in Saudi politics. But he advocates greater women's rights in the kingdom, even hiring the country's first female pilot, a radical move in a country where it is forbidden for women to drive.

Tim Webb

Source : Guardian

Arabic Press - nuclear related 191107

Jordanian minister for Energy and wealth Aladenih d. Khalid received a Chinese delegation of representatives of the Chinese government and the private sector for the areas of exploration and uranium mining and the establishment of nuclear reactors for electricity generation purposes and desalination.

Minister of Energy reviewed at the meeting the most important challenges faced by the energy sector in Jordan and the Jordanian government's decision to introduce additional sources of alternative energy in Jordan.

The possibilities of cooperation in the areas of exploration and mining for uranium and treatment and the establishment of a nuclear reactor in Jordan for the construction of electricity generation and water desalination were also discussed.

The delegation guest expressed interest in cooperation with Jordan in these areas.

The secretary general of the GCC Abdul Rahman Al-Attiyah stated that the Board received a draft study in the field of nuclear technology for peaceful use from the IAEA last week, indicating that the project had made considerable progress in the preparation and completion of the study.

He said that the issue will be raised for Gulf leaders during their next meeting in Doha. On the Gulf peaceful nuclear project, he stated that any enrichment will be done in accordance with international rules, the project will be of peaceful nature. Al-Attiyah stressed that the GCC countries always asked for the Middle East, and the Gulf region, to be freed from weapons of mass destruction, and move towards nuclear uses for peaceful purposes.

Source: Al Arab Alyaum, Al Watan

The oil and gas consumed by the Egyptian electricity sector has risen over the period 1952-2006 from less than one million tonnes to more than 21 million tonnes of oil equivalent (toe), of which natural gas was around 18.7 million tonnes or 88 per cent of total fuel consumed by the electricity sector. Hydro-electricity accounts for only what is equivalent to three million toe.

Granted that a nuclear power plant which takes 10 yeas to build in an industrialised country, would take 12 years in Egypt, our first nuclear reactor may not be operating before 2020. Therefore, the crucial question becomes: how could we cross the gap from now to the year 2020?

Egypt is already a net importing country of both oil and gas due to the fact that our share of both sources is not enough to cover our domestic consumption which increased over the period 1975-2006 from 7.5 million toe to 52 million toe, at an average annual growth rate of 6.5 per cent.

The development of our oil and gas resources is carried out under production-sharing agreements which allows a foreign oil company to explore for oil and gas, and, if a commercial discovery is found, the agreement would be extended to nearly 35 years. The foreign partner, who undertakes all exploration and production costs, starts recovering their costs as soon as production begins. They first receive a share of 40 per cent of total output to be valued in terms of US dollars, at the export price of oil or gas. The total dollar value is then deducted from the balance of the foreign partner total expenditures. Year after year, this procedure is repeated until the total cost balance is recovered.

The foreign partner is further entitled to a net profit share of 25 per cent of the remaining output, which is equal to 15 per cent of total output before cost recovery. What remains after the 55 per cent received by the foreign partner represents the Egyptian share. Views differ between 50 per cent and 63 per cent of total output as the long-term overall share of the Egyptian partner. Either way, this share has in recent years fallen short of satisfying the domestic needs. For example, out of total production of oil and gas of 71 million tonnes in 2006, the Egyptian share would range between 35-47 million toe according to either estimate. Domestic consumption of both sources was 52 million toe. Therefore, at least five million tonnes had to be purchased from the foreign partner shares in order to fill the gap.

To answer the crucial question of how to cross the gap to 2020, the choice becomes one of two: either we could expand gas production as we did when it jumped from 23 million toe to 45 million toe in two years (2005-2007), at nearly 50 per cent growth rate per year, in which case we would not need to purchase from the foreign partner, or alternatively, we could limit the gas output growth rate to such a level as to match only the growth rate of our domestic consumption, estimated at five per cent annually on average. The first choice would deplete gas reserves in the shortest period, probably long before 2020. The second choice would conserve gas production and extend gas reserves until we cross the gap and catch up with nuclear power in 2020.

The main point of this argument is the following: according to production sharing agreements, Egypt is entitled to purchase from the foreign partner whatever is needed to meet domestic consumption at a maximum price of $2.65 per million British thermal units (MBtu). Nuclear power becomes competitive, as we will later explain, only when the price of gas is higher than $6 per MBtu. Therefore, it is more economical to use gas at home even if we have to buy the whole share of the foreign partner which we are legally entitled to. The export gas projects were not good choices, considering gas economics which give priority to use it at home, as was previously explained in an article published in Al-Ahram Weekly 28 June 2007 under the title "Veto on gas exports".

Now, we will turn our focus to the most important aspects of nuclear power, which should be taken into consideration in any feasibility study, under two subtitles: nuclear worries and nuclear economics.

NUCLEAR WORRIES AND CONCERNS: Nuclear power generation is an internationally-involved industry, as compared with most domestic industries which are national by nature and require little or no international involvement. The most important aspects of such involvement are:

Concerns have been raised about proliferation risks created by the further spread of sensitive nuclear technology, such as uranium enrichment and plutonium reprocessing. This is both a domestic problem and an international one. Proliferation continues to raise public concerns in many countries and hinders the development of new nuclear power reactors. On the other hand, this has to be resolved to the satisfaction of the world community. Otherwise, the project would be challenged as it happened in the case of Iran's uranium enrichment.

Uranium is the prime source of fuel for nuclear reactors and it is explored for and found in nature. However, raw uranium has to be enriched to at least three per cent and manufactured to make the so-called "yellow cake" in order to be usable. Enrichment beyond 20 per cent makes uranium suitable to build an atomic bomb. Plutonium is a man- made material that could be used to generate electricity and/or make a bomb. Nuclear power advocates assure that uranium sources are abundant, widely distributed around the glob, and, therefore, they represent no constrain. However, there are strong indications that those resources may fall short in supply at a near point in future, as is the case with oil and gas. While the International Energy Agency (IEA) states that proven uranium reserves are sufficient beyond 2030, it also states that investment in uranium mining capacity and nuclear fuel manufacture capacity must increase significantly to turn "uranium in the ground into yellowcake" and to meet world increasing demand. The underlying assumption is that expected expansion is only that of the countries already using nuclear generation (31 countries). The new tendency of the West to let developing nations go nuclear is not accounted for in this forecast. In either case, the industrialised countries do not have to worry about nuclear security, because they already hold the major bottlenecks of this industry, including the hardware technology and uranium enrichment and fabrication. Therefore, if their nuclear interests conflict with those of the developing countries, it will be theirs which win.

Driven partly by rising expectations for nuclear power worldwide, uranium spot prices continued to rise in 2006, to nine times their historic 2000 low, reaching $72 per bound U3O8. However, in what may be taken as mitigating factor in this respect is a proposal submitted to the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) by Russian President Vladimir Putin to create "a system of international centres providing nuclear fuel cycle services, including enrichment, on a non-discriminatory basis and under the control of the IAEA". Several additional proposals to assure supplies of enriched uranium in the event of political supply interruptions have demonstrated the will of states to develop new, international approaches to the nuclear fuel cycle.

Nevertheless, the IAEA conference, which considered the above proposals for assuring supplies of uranium-based nuclear fuel at one stage in a longer- term multilateral framework, has recognised that establishing such a fully developed, multilateral framework that is equitable and accessible to all users of nuclear energy, is a complex endeavour and requires a phased approach for both natural and low enriched uranium, as well as spent fuel management.

As for nuclear safety, indicators, such as those published by the World Association of Nuclear Operators, have improved dramatically in the 1990s. However, in some areas improvement has stalled in recent years. Also the gap between the best and worst performers is still large. The IAEA has developed, in cooperation with 28 of its members, the International Project on Innovative Nuclear Reactors and Fuel Cycles (INPRO) which completed a methodology that member states can use to evaluate and select innovative nuclear systems (INS) for development.

Safety of nuclear waste disposal is another crucial aspect of world nuclear concerns. Annual discharges of spent fuel from the world's reactors total about 10 500 tonnes of heavy metal (t HM) per year. By the end of 2004, approximately 280 000 tonnes of spent fuel had been discharged globally. Two different management strategies are being implemented for spent nuclear fuel. In the first strategy, spent fuel is reprocessed (or stored for future reprocessing to extract usable material (uranium and plutonium). Approximately one third of the world's discharged spent fuel has been reprocessed leaving about 190 000 t HM of spent fuel in storage. In the second strategy, spent fuel is considered as waste and is stored pending disposal. Based on more than 50 years of experience with storing spent fuel safely and effectively, there is a high level of confidence in both wet and dry storage technologies and their ability to cope with rising volumes pending implementation of final repositories for all high radioactive wastes. China, France, India, Japan, Russia and the UK either reprocess, or store for future reprocessing, most of their spent fuel. France has set goals for a reversible deep geological repository by 2015 and to open the facility by 2025. Canada, Finland, Sweden and the US have currently opted for direct disposal. The Finnish, Swedish and US repository programmes continue to be the most developed, but none is likely to have a repository in operation before 2020. The world's one operating geological repository is the Waste Isolation Pilot Plant (WIPP) in the US, but it will receive only waste generated by research and the production of nuclear weapons; no waste from civilian nuclear power plants.

Most countries have not yet decided which strategy to adopt. They are currently storing spent fuel and keeping abreast of developments associated with both alternatives. Therefore, developing nations, should carefully consider the disposal of nuclear waste in their feasibility studies, from both the technical and financial aspects.

If the Egyptian nuclear programme is to start operating, at best, by 2020 with expected economic life of 60 years, then decommissioning may not occur before 2080. This is a long period and many of the present day variables may drastically change. Since the technical and economic feasibility studies of a nuclear reactor must be calculated based on the length of its production life, then careful attention should be given to the above considerations. For example, capital costs of construction, decommissioning and waste disposal, which are the major component of total nuclear cost, are depreciated on the basis of electricity units produced over the life span of the reactor.

To conclude this chapter, it was anticipated that nuclear generation would decline, as ageing nuclear reactors (especially among the OECD nations) were expected to be taken out of operation and not to be replaced. But the role of nuclear power in meeting future electricity demand has been reconsidered more recently, given concerns about rising fossil fuel prices, energy security, and greenhouse gas emissions. In Europe, nuclear power is the largest source of electricity in eight countries and represents more than half electricity produced in four countries: France, Belgium Lithuania and Slovak Republic. However, many European countries had opted to phase out part or all of their nuclear capacity. For example, Lithuania and Slovak Republic agreed with the EU to shut down their capacity, and Belgium is to phase out its capacity.

Now, nuclear power is accounting for 16 per cent of world electricity production which was 2750 TWh (Tera or trillion Watts-hour) in 2006. At the end of 2006, there were 31 countries operating 435 nuclear reactors with installed capacity of 370 Giga-Watts (GW) (giga is a billion). A Reference Scenario forecasts world nuclear capacity to increase to 416 GW in 2030 at an average rate of 0.5 per cent annually. An Alternative Policy Scenario, which assumes greater use of nuclear power and lower CO2 emissions, forecasts nuclear capacity to grow to 519 GW in 2030 at an average growth rate of 1.4 per cent annually. Approximately 70 per cent of this growth will come from developing countries which account for 17 of the 29 reactors now being built, mainly in Asian countries. Non-OECD Asia is poised for a robust expansion of nuclear generation. For example, in China, electricity generation from nuclear power is projected to grow at an average annual rate of 7.7 per cent from 2004 to 2030, and in India it is projected to increase by an average of 9.1 per cent per year.

ECONOMICS OF NUCLEAR POWER: Concerns over surging fossil prices and rising CO2 emission revived nuclear power which is proven technology for large scale baseload generation. The existing plants in OECD countries and the countries of non-OECD Europe and Eurasia (including Russia) are expected to be granted extensions to their operating lives to 60 years.

As shown above, economics are not the only factors affecting nuclear generation. Yet, economics, as in all other sources of energy, play crucial roles, most important of which are:

Nuclear power is capital intensive because building a reactor would cost between $2-3.5 billion. The discount rate (interest on loans) plays a major role in nuclear financing. The long lead period of preparation and construction (10-12 years) requires spending with no output to sell. Moreover, as the loan period extends, the discount rate becomes higher. Therefore, government has to reduce investment risk in order to support the nuclear economics.

The most important factor affecting competitiveness of nuclear power is the investment cost as represented by the discount rate and plant economic life. Depending on various factors of the economic components, capital cost would range between $2000- 2500 per one kW installed capacity. By comparison, the capital cost of using the combined cycle gas technology (CCGT) in electricity generation is only $550-650.

In developing countries, including Egypt, more than 70 per cent of nuclear capital and operating expenditures have to be spent in foreign exchange, because most of the project components are provided by industrialised countries.

Fuel cost is a small component of nuclear power total production cost, accounting for only $0.4-0.6 per million Btus (MBtu), while it ranges in CCGT between $5-7 MBtu in 2006. Therefore, nuclear power cost is less vulnerable to fuel-price change than coal or gas-fired generation. Uranium cost is around five per cent of total cost and becomes 15 per cent after treatment (enrichment and fabrication), while gas fuel represent 75 per cent of total cost. Therefore, increases in gas and coal prices improve the nuclear competitive position. A 50 per cent increase in uranium, gas and coal prices would cause costs to rise by only three per cent in nuclear power and by 20 per cent in coal and by 38 per cent in CCGT. This would endow nuclear costs with greater stability and predictability and make it more attractive to heavy users of electricity. In Finland and France, electricity- intensive industrial users expressed interest in long- term fixed price contract of electricity which, in turn, facilitate finance investment in new nuclear plants.

In a scenario of high discount rate, where nuclear generating costs are between 6.8-8.1 cent kWh, nuclear power would be competitive with gas-fired generation if long-term gas price is above $6.60 MBtu (corresponding to $65 a barrel of oil). There are other scenarios which expect construction and operating risks to be mitigated and the new nuclear cost to be 4.9-5.7 cents per kWh. In such cases nuclear would be cheaper than gas-fired electricity if gas price is above $4.70-5.70 MBtu.

The introduction of a value for limiting carbon emission also improves the competitiveness of nuclear power. In Europe and the US where coal is the major fuel for electricity generation, $10 per tonne of CO2 emitted make nuclear compete with coal. It is the more so, considering that average value of CO2 tonne in EU Emission Trading Scheme in 2005 was 18.3 euro per tonne ($23 and above).

Regional differences, size of reactor, site location and whether it contains one reactor or more, all affect costs. No one approach to nuclear energy supply carries the same costs and benefits for different countries. Therefore, we have to be very careful in studying and selecting the best approach that really suits our needs within an integrated and comprehensive strategy for energy.

Source: Al Ahram Weekly

The following article seems to be relevant, even if it is quite hard to translate.

An high-ranking Egyptian delegation is going to Vienna to discuss the executive steps of the Egyptian nuclear program. Dr. Yunis said that this comes in the framework of the implementation of the first nuclear power plant in Egypt.

Dr. Sayed Meshaal, Egyptian minister of State Military Production, said that the Ministry is fully prepared for the manufacture of components for peaceful nuclear program in case the instructions to do so are coming, and it has the necessary studies for its implementation.

The members of the Commission for industrial production of the Shura Council agreed to this yesterday, under the chairmanship of Mohamed Farid Khamis.

They asked during the meeting: Where did Pakistan nuclear bomb and nuclear tests of its missiles led to?, And they said that Israel has leaked new story about nuclear bomb and emphasized that possession of nuclear weapons is to protect the peace.

This opinion was shared by MP Abdel-Rahman, stressing that Pakistan, India and Iran are not the best to understand for Egypt to possess nuclear weapons, and I ask President Mubarak during his recent members of People's Assembly and Shura to join the military nuclear field.

The minister emphasized that the issue was not about possessing nuclear weapons, and asked: if the ownership of nuclear bombs solved the problem of Kashmir, which India continues to dominate.

He pointed out that the possession of nuclear bombs is a burden and said that a state like Russia, despite their defeat in the war with Afghanistan, did not use the nuclear bomb, and also that Israel, despite their defeat in the war in October 1973 did not use the nuclear bomb.

Source: Ahram, Al Mesryoun