Litmus test for Saudi-Pak ties
By N JANARDHAN
WHEN THE Saudi Intelligence Chief, Prince Muqrin bin Abdulaziz, addressed a press conference in Islamabad last month, it appeared to raise more eyebrows in Pakistan and the Gulf than the news of former Pakistani prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s deportation to Saudi Arabia.
Following a meeting with President General Pervez Musharraf, just ahead of Sharif’s return, Prince Muqrin – brother and special envoy of King Abdullah bin Abdulaziz of Saudi Arabia – and Lebanese politician Saad Hariri showed a document which mentioned that Sharif should not return from his exile for 10 years.
It is now seven years since the “deal” was struck to spare the former Pakistani premier from life imprisonment after he was overthrown in a military coup by Musharraf in 1999. Sharif spent most of these years in the kingdom, where he was forbidden from any political activity, and then moved to London, from where he plotted his comeback, which ended within a few hours with another exile on September 10.
An official Saudi statement tersely said: “Nawaz Sharif will stay in the Kingdom as a guest. The Kingdom welcomes him again after his return to Islamabad, disregarding his pledge that he will stay away from Pakistan and politics.”
Analysts claim that this was “a major deviation from the Saudi government’s policy to stay away from controversial political matters especially those which relate to the internal political affairs of other countries.”
In recent years, however, Saudi Arabia has used its status as an Islamic and economic powerhouse to play a proactive role in a number of domestic political crises in the Muslim world – Palestinian territories, Iraq, Lebanon, Sudan and Somalia – as well as engaged in dousing the tension between Iran and the West.
The kingdom’s mediatory roles in the Muslim world have, indeed, brought Saudi Arabia back into the centre of Middle East and world politics, especially with Egypt nowhere on the diplomatic radar.
This was reflective in Saudi Ambassador to Pakistan Ali Awadh Asseri’s assertion that the Muslim world was confronted with unprecedented challenges and was struggling for its very survival against ever-increasing threats.
Riyadh’s real intention in mediating in the Pakistani political crisis could well be about stability in a country of great importance to the region and a frontline nation in the war against terror, and not about favouring any particular leader.
Further, Pakistan has witnessed an upsurge of extremist activity in recent years and has the potential to further contribute to the resurgence of the Taliban and Al Qaeda in Afghanistan. Such a situation would not only affect Pakistan and Afghanistan , but all the Gulf countries, chiefly Saudi Arabia, the birthplace of Al Qaeda leader Osama bin Laden.
More importantly, Saudi Arabia is also concerned about the possibility of Pakistani-Afghan extremists and Al Qaeda taking advantage of any political instability to gain access to Pakistan’s nuclear weapons, putting the entire region in danger.
Following a week of Saudi bashing in Pakistan, Riyadh defended the kingdom’s role by saying that his country got involved because the Sharif issue was likely to threaten Pakistan’s peace and unity.
“This support has been extended not as a favour to another country, but as a fulfillment of responsibility towards a friend and a brother. PPakistan’s strength has been our strength and Pakistan’s problems our problems,” the Saudi ambassador to Pakistan said.
Pakistan and Saudi Arabia share a multi-faceted strategic relationship. Over a million Pakistanis reside and work in Saudi Arabia and another 600,000 visit the kingdom to perform the Hajj and Umrah pilgrimages every year.
Bilateral trade stood at $2.83bn in 2005, and Pakistan has benefited a great deal from the kingdom’s relief, rehabilitation and reconstruction activities during natural calamities.
In the military sphere, Pakistan – the only Muslim country possessing nuclear weapons – has been special and a great source of strength to Saudi Arabia. Pakistan ‘s military has a history of performing security duties in the kingdom and training Saudi military personnel.
All these strategic considerations and relations, however, didn’t cut much ice with critics after Sharif’s deportation. “It makes one wonder whether Saudi Arabia would allow a Pakistani intelligence chief to address a press conference in Riyadh and pass judgment on an internal political issue concerning the Saudi kingdom?” one Pakistani analyst questioned Prince Muqrin’s role in the political drama.
While such harsh words against Saudi Arabia are unprecedented in Pakistan, the kingdom was also accused of colluding with the United States in determining the future of Pakistani politics. “If he (Sharif) just wanted to go to Saudi Arabia, he could have bought a ticket to Jeddah instead of Lahore ... (The) deportation is in accordance with the agenda of America (and Saudi Arabia),” another Pakistani analyst vented. The United States wants a “liberal” leader in Pakistan and Saudi Arabia is always at the US’s “beck and call ... Saudi Arabia is Guantanamo Bay for Pakistanis. That the most sacred country of the Muslims should be used this way is most unfortunate.”
As the place of Islam’s two holiest shrines, Saudi Arabia has a special place in the Muslim world. But many in Pakistan now feel that following the Sharif deportation incident, Pakistanis are unlikely to ignore the “exploitation of Pakistani workers in Saudi Arabia or the uninhibited hunting sprees of Saudi princes in Pakistan,” thereby affecting bilateral relations.
Sharif’s party has indicated that the Saudi government has conveyed to Islamabad that it will have nothing to do with the former premier after Eid, especially if it may damage the reputation of Saudi Arabia among Pakistanis.
Whether this happens or not isn’t as important as what is likely to happen in the years ahead. The political course is yet to crystallise in Pakistan. But, with Pakistan certain to return to full-fledged democracy sooner or later, allowing all aspiring politicians to contest in elections thereafter, Sharif’s return to the top job at some point could make the strain with Saudi Arabia manifest in one form or another.
Source: thepeninsulaqatar
Israel's Syria Strike 'Not Signal for Iran': Parliamentary Speaker
09 Oct 07
GENEVA, Oct 9, 2007 (AFP) -- Israel's air strike inside Syrian territory in early September was not a message for Iran despite claims by some US conservatives, Iran's parliamentary speaker said on Tuesday.
"The violation of the airspace of Syria by Israeli planes was not meant to be a signal for Iran," Hadad Alel told reporters on the sidelines of the annual meeting of the Interparliamentary Union (IPU) in Geneva.
"Israel is not in a position to have the illusion of attacking Iran," he added.
Israel last week lifted a veil of silence over its September 6 raid, with army radio reporting that "Israeli combat planes attacked a military target deep inside Syrian territory."
Amid the Israeli blackout, most of the speculation on the raid had come from foreign media, with one version saying that Israel bombed a suspected nuclear facility that was allegedly being built with the help of North Korea, reports denied by both Damascus and Pyongyang.
The hawkish former US ambassador to the United Nations, John Bolton, told Israeli television last month the raid was a signal not only to Syria but also Iran, amid growing tensions between Tehran and the West over its alleged nuclear programme.
"I think this is a clear message not only to Syria, this is a clear message to Iran as well that its continued efforts to acquire nuclear weapons are not going to go unanswered," Bolton said.
Iran's parliamentary speaker denied however that his country had any ambitions to develop nuclear weapons.
"Our position has always been opposing the military use of nuclear energy," Alel said.
Source: AFP
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